- Charge as new MAIT President has been taken by- Debjani Ghosh
the charge as new president of MAIT (the Manufacturers’ Association for Information Technology), the apex body of India’s Information technology hardware industry is taken by Debjani Ghosh.
Since the establishment of MAIT 32 years ago, Debjani is the first female President of MAIT. She will replace Amar Babu, chairman of Lenovo India and the chief operation officer at Lenovo for Asia Pacific. On the other hand she is vice-president of sales and marketing group and managing director of Intel Corporation, South Asia.
In 2013, Fortune India, she was among the 25 Most Powerful Women. She is also the chairperson of the IT Committee at the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI).
Do You Know :
MAIT is the top most IT hardware body in India etablished in 1982 and is associated with development of IT hardware sector, training and research and Hardware design. It is committed to develop ambitiousness in Indian IT industries to stand in global market. It encourages and enhances the practice and the role of IT for economic growth of the country.
the charge as new president of MAIT (the Manufacturers’ Association for Information Technology), the apex body of India’s Information technology hardware industry is taken by Debjani Ghosh.
Since the establishment of MAIT 32 years ago, Debjani is the first female President of MAIT. She will replace Amar Babu, chairman of Lenovo India and the chief operation officer at Lenovo for Asia Pacific. On the other hand she is vice-president of sales and marketing group and managing director of Intel Corporation, South Asia.
In 2013, Fortune India, she was among the 25 Most Powerful Women. She is also the chairperson of the IT Committee at the Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI).
Do You Know :
MAIT is the top most IT hardware body in India etablished in 1982 and is associated with development of IT hardware sector, training and research and Hardware design. It is committed to develop ambitiousness in Indian IT industries to stand in global market. It encourages and enhances the practice and the role of IT for economic growth of the country.
- Rafael Advanced Defense Systems has partnered with Kalyani Group to - make Spike Missile
India’s Kalyani Group and Israel’s Rafael have partnered to produce Spike Anti-Tank Guided Missiles (ATGM) in India.
Both the organization have formed a manufacturing Joint Venture (JV) in this consideration and it is also expected to strengthen the strategic cooperation beween both the nations.
51% ownership stake in the venture will be held by the Kalyani Group as per the Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) guidelines.
Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) in October 2014 cleared the FDI proposal in this concern under the chairmanship of Arun Jaitley, Defence Minister. The deal includes order of 300 plus launchers and 8,000 Spike ATGM missiles with a total worth of 3,200 crore rupees.
Do You Know :
Spike Anti-Tank Guided Missiles (ATGM): It is a 3rd generation, fire-and-forget, man-portable, anti-tank missile designed and developed by Rafael Advanced Defense Systems.
In case of emergency, India will require 40,000 missiles to equip the Indian Army’s 382 infantry battalions and 44 mechanised regiments.
- Vasundhara Komkali passed away, she was a noted - Vocalist
On 29th July 2015, Eminent musician Vasundhara Komkali passed away at the age of 85.
About Vasundhara Komkali
- She is considered as one of the prominent Indian classical vocalists.
- Pt. Kumar Gandharva (her husband) and Dr. BR Deodhar trained her in Indian classical music.
- RBI's Role Needs To Change
Draft Indian Financial Code prises open the black box of monetary policy making
Financial sector regulation in India has developed in an ad hoc manner in response to evolving requirements.Consequently , it suffers from substantial prudential weaknesses and regulatory arbitrage that makes for heightened risks for both investors and financial consumers. By putting together a modern law for governing the complex financial sector, the draft Indian Financial Code (IFC) represents a quantum jump forward.When enacted, IFC will replace 19 extant laws, some of which, like the RBI Act and Insurance Act, date back to 1934 and 1938 respectively . IFC should therefore be made effective sooner rather than later. It should certainly not be allowed to flounder on the specious grounds of its impact on RBI autonomy .
It is, therefore, indeed a pity that public discussion on IFC has focussed entirely on the relationship between government and RBI. Even more mischievous is the attempt by some influential western newspapers like the Financial Times of London, to portray IFC as the Modi government's attempt to curb the powers of the incumbent RBI Governor.
IFC does well to clearly segregate the roles of RBI and the Financial Sector Authority , with the former being responsible for the conduct of monetary policy and banking sector regulation. Moreover, the establishment of an independent Public Debt Management Agency will help both in improving public debt management and better fixing RBI's accountability for its principal tasks of maintaining price stability and prudentially managing the banking sector.
The Governor would be expected to use the considerable analytical resources at his disposal and powers of suasion to convince MPC of RBI's point of view. The Governor does not need to have a veto which some have argued for.Giving a veto to the Governor over the majority view is both disrespectful to members of MPC and also assumes supra-natural powers for the Governor.
IFC (Section 267) requires that in case the inflation target is not met, RBI would submit a report to the Centre giving reasons for the failure, remedial measures to be taken and the timeline for achieving the target. No further action is envisaged.
Would it not be more effective if a failure to meet the target triggers some punitive action like resignation of the entire MPC? This could prevent the usual spectacle of `passing the blame' and instead encourage constructive cooperation between RBI and government.
In a liberal democracy like ours, all key policy decisions should ideally be subject at least to parliamentary scrutiny if not its approval. Despite the Indian elite's disdain of the political class, elected MPs do represent our peoples' aspirations and concerns.
Therefore, the government should place its `inflation target agreement' with RBI in Parliament and invite debate on it. Moreover, like in most advanced economies, the RBI Governor accompanied by MPC should be required to periodically depose before the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance.
It is time that those who are answerable to the people also get a chance to question the policy makers. A positive externality will be to raise financial awareness among politicians.
The writer is Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research and Founder Director Pahle India Foundation
Draft Indian Financial Code prises open the black box of monetary policy making
Financial sector regulation in India has developed in an ad hoc manner in response to evolving requirements.Consequently , it suffers from substantial prudential weaknesses and regulatory arbitrage that makes for heightened risks for both investors and financial consumers. By putting together a modern law for governing the complex financial sector, the draft Indian Financial Code (IFC) represents a quantum jump forward.When enacted, IFC will replace 19 extant laws, some of which, like the RBI Act and Insurance Act, date back to 1934 and 1938 respectively . IFC should therefore be made effective sooner rather than later. It should certainly not be allowed to flounder on the specious grounds of its impact on RBI autonomy .
It is, therefore, indeed a pity that public discussion on IFC has focussed entirely on the relationship between government and RBI. Even more mischievous is the attempt by some influential western newspapers like the Financial Times of London, to portray IFC as the Modi government's attempt to curb the powers of the incumbent RBI Governor.
IFC does well to clearly segregate the roles of RBI and the Financial Sector Authority , with the former being responsible for the conduct of monetary policy and banking sector regulation. Moreover, the establishment of an independent Public Debt Management Agency will help both in improving public debt management and better fixing RBI's accountability for its principal tasks of maintaining price stability and prudentially managing the banking sector.
The Governor would be expected to use the considerable analytical resources at his disposal and powers of suasion to convince MPC of RBI's point of view. The Governor does not need to have a veto which some have argued for.Giving a veto to the Governor over the majority view is both disrespectful to members of MPC and also assumes supra-natural powers for the Governor.
IFC (Section 267) requires that in case the inflation target is not met, RBI would submit a report to the Centre giving reasons for the failure, remedial measures to be taken and the timeline for achieving the target. No further action is envisaged.
Would it not be more effective if a failure to meet the target triggers some punitive action like resignation of the entire MPC? This could prevent the usual spectacle of `passing the blame' and instead encourage constructive cooperation between RBI and government.
In a liberal democracy like ours, all key policy decisions should ideally be subject at least to parliamentary scrutiny if not its approval. Despite the Indian elite's disdain of the political class, elected MPs do represent our peoples' aspirations and concerns.
Therefore, the government should place its `inflation target agreement' with RBI in Parliament and invite debate on it. Moreover, like in most advanced economies, the RBI Governor accompanied by MPC should be required to periodically depose before the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance.
It is time that those who are answerable to the people also get a chance to question the policy makers. A positive externality will be to raise financial awareness among politicians.
The writer is Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research and Founder Director Pahle India Foundation
It is, therefore, indeed a pity that public discussion on IFC has focussed entirely on the relationship between government and RBI. Even more mischievous is the attempt by some influential western newspapers like the Financial Times of London, to portray IFC as the Modi government's attempt to curb the powers of the incumbent RBI Governor.
IFC does well to clearly segregate the roles of RBI and the Financial Sector Authority , with the former being responsible for the conduct of monetary policy and banking sector regulation. Moreover, the establishment of an independent Public Debt Management Agency will help both in improving public debt management and better fixing RBI's accountability for its principal tasks of maintaining price stability and prudentially managing the banking sector.
The Governor would be expected to use the considerable analytical resources at his disposal and powers of suasion to convince MPC of RBI's point of view. The Governor does not need to have a veto which some have argued for.Giving a veto to the Governor over the majority view is both disrespectful to members of MPC and also assumes supra-natural powers for the Governor.
IFC (Section 267) requires that in case the inflation target is not met, RBI would submit a report to the Centre giving reasons for the failure, remedial measures to be taken and the timeline for achieving the target. No further action is envisaged.
Would it not be more effective if a failure to meet the target triggers some punitive action like resignation of the entire MPC? This could prevent the usual spectacle of `passing the blame' and instead encourage constructive cooperation between RBI and government.
In a liberal democracy like ours, all key policy decisions should ideally be subject at least to parliamentary scrutiny if not its approval. Despite the Indian elite's disdain of the political class, elected MPs do represent our peoples' aspirations and concerns.
Therefore, the government should place its `inflation target agreement' with RBI in Parliament and invite debate on it. Moreover, like in most advanced economies, the RBI Governor accompanied by MPC should be required to periodically depose before the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Finance.
It is time that those who are answerable to the people also get a chance to question the policy makers. A positive externality will be to raise financial awareness among politicians.
The writer is Senior Fellow at the Centre for Policy Research and Founder Director Pahle India Foundation
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